Reytinq newspaper 23.11.2008

THIS SYSTEM WILL BRING AZERBAIJAN, INCLUDING ITS GOVERNMENT, TO THE ULTIMATE DISASTER Interview of Azerbaijan Liberal Party Ledaer Lala Shevket to the "Reytinq" newspaper

Alongside coming together with a single position on the issue of the presidential election in the Opposition Cooperation Centre the parties participants of the centre express somewhat different views towards its future development into a political union. Leader of Azerbaijan Liberal Party gave interview to our newspaper concerning the socio-political situation in Azerbaijan, perspectives for oppositional unity and other problems... - First I would like to say that it has been you the journalists who invented the name of this unity. Opposition Cooperation Centre is not a union. It is a functional cooperation formed around a concrete position. A position formed on the basis of attitude to the presidential election united us. Leaders of opposition, who boycotted the election, announced their attitude towards it and gave its evaluation. We must acknowledge that today in Azerbaijan there is a public order for unity between the real opposition adherent to principles. The reason for that is that the situation concerning democracy is very grave and it becomes worse with each new day. We must definitely join together to change this situation, for our unity is also the unity of our electorate and our resources. It is not just a unity of the leaders alone, it is the unity of the people who believes in us, trusts us, votes for us. To change the situation in Azerbaijan the unity of these people is very important today, when there is a de-fakto bann on political activities, when the resources of the opposition run out. The second issue is that unity is created for a purpose. If this unity was connected with a position at one time, it must deepen today and become stronger. Strategy and tactics being clear to all the people must be shared with the nation and publicly discussed. Taking into account all that I am a supporter of deepening and strengthening the unity. But on one condition. If we want this unity to be long-lasting, its leaders must be respectful of each other and trust each other, they must be sincere in their relations with each other. If we cannot respect or trust each other, if we are insincere, this unity will not last long. The greatest problem of the opposition is that unity is created, then disintegrates after a short time. - But what is the cause? - The principal cause of this is that a struggle for leadership in a unity starts even before it is created. The dispute over who is strong and who is great comes to the agenda. It is these unhealthy discussions that do not allow for long-lasting unity. Today we must all understand that it is important to put the struggle for leadership aside and change the situation in Azerbaijan. Without such a change the struggle for leadership and participation in the lections remain under question. Therefore, the aim of this unity is to change the situation in Azerbaijan. - Who are the people that cannot put aside their ambitions and fight for leadership? - I think there is no need to mention names here. Everything is evident anyway. In general, each party leader has to fight for leadership, under the conditions of healthy competition, of course. But, it is not the place and time now for that. To be more precise, there is no place for such a fight within the unity. I think that the unity must be created today only and only for changing the situation. After that there can be a healthy struggle for leadership. But today there is no time for that. - How realistic is the participation of the Opposition Cooperation Centre as a bloc in the forthcoming municipal and parliamentary elections? - It is an appropriate intention based on healthy logic. But such matters should be brought to attention only after the situation is changed. We must change the situation, then participate in the elections. So, changing the situation and participation in the elections together depend on our unity. - What do you mean under changing the situation? - To be concrete, I mean particular priorities. These are connected with the freedom of speech and democratic elections. You know that there have been numerous recommendations from the OSCE and the Council of Europe Venice Commission. But very few of these recommendations have been implemented, and if implemented then only formally. But major issues have not been addressed. I think we must concentrate on the four most important priority issues. First is connected with the freedom of speech, meaning primarily that the imprisoned independent journalists must be released. Because without the freedom of speech there can be no free and democratic elections. The freedom of speech is a litmus paper for democracy. The second priority issue is the freedom of assembly, which must be upheld as it is a constitutional right. Mass-meetings should not be carried out with "permission", the very word "permission" should be taken out of use. Mass-meetings must be held according to the Constitution, lawfully and without any obstacle whatsoever on the part of the authorities. The third issue is that the election commissions at all levels must be released from the absolute monopoly of the government. The election commissions must be formed on the parity basis, so to allow for public confidence in them. While the election commissions are under the monopoly of the government, we shall not be able to participate in the elections, because the result would be quite like today. The forth issue concerns air-time on the Public TV. It is known that opposition's efforts were also behind the creation of the Public TV, so dissenting thoughts and ideas would be brought to the public's attention. Nevertheless, the Public TV does not fulfil its functions today. The matter is that at least one hour per week is allocated on the Public TV for the opposition to express its views to the nation. I consider these four priorities to be the most important issues for today. I think we must all fight for these, because they all are our constitutional rights. - These demands have been vocalised previously as well. But nothing has been achieved yet. Whose fault is that, the government's or the opposition's? - It is the fault of every one of us, for we all are the children of Azerbaijan, citizens of this country. If Azerbaijan goes to authoritarianism today, it is a tragedy for everyone. Not just for the opposition, but also for the government itself and the society. I have always said, and I repeat it today. Each and every one of our people must realise that this country's present and future depend on him/her directly, that as a citizen he/she bears a responsibility and must be able to fight for his/her rights without waiting anybody. Activity of everyone of us and of the society in general plays a significant role here. We shall not be able to achieve anything, if the society is inactive. If the society is active and fights alongside the opposition, then the government will behave differently and be compelled to reckon with the society and the nation. - Some people say that the use of traditional methods by the traditional opposition do not result in anything, and suggest that some new methods of struggle must be employed. What do you think about this? - Let us put it that way. Now, we have learned something more or less. We understand things, and we do have some knowledge of the political theory. I suppose you would agree with that. So, we know therefore that, for instance, a new method of political struggle to replace mass-meetings has not been invented yet. If there are alternative methods, let those people explain to us what they are and how to use them. How should we carry out our struggle? Now some people say that it is not time today for mass-meetings, that it is an old method. Still in these very same days the people all around the world, in France, Germany, Italy, etc., are holding mass-meetings, demanding their rights. Just look, how many mass-meetings are held everyday in Europe. It is the voice of the society. The society is dissatisfied, so it demands its rights. That is how can this method be replaces, with what? If they know, let them release this information, so Europe and we learn from them. I want to express my attitude towards another problem. Let somebody explain to me the term "traditional opposition". What, is there an "untraditional" one then? - Let us return to the issue of the Opposition Cooperation Centre. There are rumours in the press that there are some serious differences of opinion within the Centre. Do these differences exist, and if so, what they are connected to? - Frankly speaking, I came to know about that only from the media. I see that some functionaries of the oppositional parties indeed express different thoughts about the idea of unity. This surprises me and causes regret. But there is no difference of opinion whatsoever about this issues within our Azadliq Bloc. I can say that unequivocally. I can even say that there is no difference of opinion between Eldar Namazov and the Bloc. - You have not mentioned the name of Musavat for some reason ... - You can see yourself that the basic discussion goes on around what the functionaries of the Musavat Party have said. Because Musavat functionaries speak from somewhat different position today. - Musavat proposes that Classic Popular Front Party, Azerbaijan National Independence Party, Аzerbaijan Democrat Party and the parties that supported Musavat in 2003 join the centre... - I say again that unity is built on a position. Unity cannot be built for the sake of unity. Our unity today is connected namely to the position and attitude towards the last election. We are ready to collaborate with any organisation, which stands on the same position. - In general, if Musavat is persistent on this position, would it be possible for you to be together in the Centre? - This Centre is a functional unity. If our positions are different, we will go our own ways. Personally I think that. - Isa Qambar announces in his interview that he estimates each party according to its position and real strength. He says that in this light he sees Popular Front Party differently from the other two parties of the Azadliq Bloc. That is he considers Liberal Party weak... - As I know, there were 7-8 parties in Isa Qambar's "Our Azerbaijan" Bloc. I cannot though recall their names. Have they really been the same strength as the Musavat? - Probably, not. - I want to clarify this matter. The opposition, including Musavat, says itself that no election has been held in Azerbaijan in a free and democratic manner. The authoritative international organisations have also noted repeatedly in their reports that no election held in Azerbaijan within the last years has met any international standards. If so, then logically how can we define the strength of a party? There is a practice accepted in the world that strength of a political party is determined only and only at elections, that is democratic and fair elections, of course. Ii is not possible to determine its strength in any other way. This issue is connected with the electorate only. So, if there have been no free and democratic elections in Azerbaijan ever, then how can we determine the strength or weakness of the political parties that participate in those elections? Let us look at history. There was the parliamentary election in 2000. Liberal Party participated as a separate entity. I remember it well. After the election Isa Qambar spoke out and said that they had the genuine protocols, and according to them the Musavat Party held the first place and the Liberal Party the second with 18 % of votes. If you want, you can find it from the newspapers of that time. It was Isa Qambar's own words. In 2005 Parliamentary election three political parties, Popular Front, Musavat and Democrat, participated as Azadl?q Electoral Bloc, whereas the Liberal Party participated again separately putting forward candidates from 70 constituencies of the republic. Only two parties, the Liberal Party and the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan Party participated in the election as separate entities. I want to ask now, if a party can participate in an election on the nationwide level independently, how logical can be spreading rumours about weakness of such a party? Therefore I am very confident about my party. In general, I think it is not time for weighing. As for the unification of Musavat with the Popular Front Party it is the exclusive right of each political party. I have even informed Ali Kerimly of my attitude towards this matter, saying that there can be no objection to it on my part, if he chooses to pursue this course. - There have been candidates from the opposition on the last presidential election. Ilham Aliyev declared at his inauguration that he would collaborate with them. How do you the perspectives of such a collaboration? - About this I can only say: Godspeed! - After the election Ilham Aliyev has not made any serious changes in government re-appointing almost every government official. What do you think about this? - Even if all the government members are changed, if Mammadov replaced by Akhmedov, and Akhmedov by Mammmadov, this is not a reform, it is a change of names. Nothing substantial will change as the result. Nobody should wait for a situation to change if the government members are changed. The system itself must be changed. Until the system changes, we cannot even think about any reforms. The ultimate goal is to change the incumbent system. If this system continues, it would mean great calamities for Azerbaijan, because today there is unhealthy authoritarian, corrupted, closed system exists in the country. The present system is like Brezhnev's stagnation system of 1970s. Those who speak differently, express different opinion are considered enemies. The basic conditions of this system are repression, imprisonment of journalists, restricting free speech, prohibiting mass-meetings. But this system does not have a future. The Soviet Union itself disintegrated and collapsed because that system could not have lived for long, could not breathe. Azerbaijani government should think about this. Because this system will bring Azerbaijan, including its government, to the ultimate disaster.

Zaur AKHMAD